One of the most important events in the beginning of the cold war was Harry Truman's demand for American support for the government of Greece in its war with pro-Communist guerillas. In fact, as Wittner shows, the history of the Greek civil war was far more complex than this. The Communist forces were not Soviet puppets. In fact, Stalin freely gave Greece to Churchill as a British sphere of influence. In fact, as a direct consequence of Chruchill's actions, the wartime resistance of the EAM was savagely and treacherously attacked by the Greek right, many of whom had been Nazi collaborators. Intimidation and electoral fraud made civil war inevitable and when the British had to leave in early 1947, the Americans had to take over. Wittner, relying on more than 75 sets of private papers, gives us many fine details on the process that lead to "victory." The United States lied when it claimed it was looking for UN mediation. American officials approved of the exectution of Jehovah's Witnesses, and even denounced them as Communists. Greek military tribunals were so unjust that one American official was called to testify against two people accused of murdering him. Greek politics were crudely manipulated, economic injustice was ignored, and trade union elections overriden. And the consequence of this "victory" was the establishment of a psuedo-democratic government, and later dictatorship. Not until 1974 would Greece securely become the democratic republic it had wished to be when the war ended. This is a book no student of the period should ignore.

A must-read for 1Ls - 'Rich in anecdote and historical detail, it explains how laws - from the Constitution to decisions of local zoning boards - are made and administered by courts and administrative agencies. It also surveys the wide variety of law: antitrust, criminal justice, family law, torts, consumer protection, and commercial law, and explores the relationship between law and society.'

If you want a reasonably good understanding of the what, how, and why of the American legal system without having to go to law and grad school, this is the book for you. Friedman, in just over 300 pages of text, manages to cover the entire field of law in America, from legislation through administration to judgment, from the workings of the local sewer district to the trappings of the Supreme Court.

Friedman is a renowned legal scholar, but this should not scare away the legal neophyte. He has done a remarkable thing for a renowned scholar to do -- he has written an introduction that truly is an introduction! The writing is clear, straightforward, and devoid of all but the most essential legal jargon, and, when the jargon is unavoidable, it is clearly explained. Further, the book is notable for its lack of endless recitation of court decisions. While Friedman disscusses most of the important cases, he does not expect the reader to slog through them. And he is excellent at connecting the cases -- and the law in general -- to real-life events easily within the experience of ordinary people.

If you are already familiar with American law you will probably learn nothing new here. It is, nevertheless, a good, refreshing read. Finally, for those of us that teach in this area, particularly in undergraduate education, this is an excellent teaching book.

This book came about as a result of the public debate about the direction of United States trade policy. In September of 1989, the Brookings Institution put together a conference entitled An American Trade Strategy: Options for the 1990s. The three main papers presented at the conference each defended an alternative policy approach, namely multilateral free trade, aggresive bilateralism and managed trade. This tome contains revised versions of these three documents, along with the remarks of the official discussants of each paper and the comments of a panel of three experts. As a bonus, the volume also includes two introductory chapters in which the editors, Robert Lawrence and Charles Schultze, both affiliated with the Brookings Economic Studies Program, sum up and evaluate the strategies at hand, which, by the way, are spoused by Anne Krueger (free trade), Rudiger Dornbusch (bilateral trade) and Laura Tyson (managed trade).

Lawrence and Schultze, in assessing the different arguments and proposals put forth in regards to the aforementioned central issue of the book, first evaluate the two chief objectives -- improvement in the terms of trade and strategic industrial policy -- and then turn their attention to the various means suggested for their attainment.

Traditional economic analysis suggests that free trade is the best approach to raise global welfare. Given the importance of the US in the global economy, this country's actions are likely to have systemic repercussions. Protectionist policies by the US might prompt other nations into taking defensive and retaliatory actions.

As long as other countries help companies that produce goods America imports, the US gains. But if countries subsidize their exports to third markets or protect domestic firms against US exports, they can lower US living standards.

On the other hand, Dornbusch believes that the informal, mainly nongovernmental, barriers to imports into Japan have biased the terms of trade against the US. He claims that the negotiation of free trade areas with other US trading partners might put pressure on Japan to agree to trade concessions in the form of increasing its imports of US goods. Dornbusch is not explicitly concerned about the specific composition of US exports. Therefore, when he proposes the negotiation of numerical goals for the expansion of imports into Japan, he envisages an aggregate target for manufactured goods.

Tyson contends that some industries are more important than others. She voices two concerns: that market forces left to their own devices will not channel enough resources into the critical high-technology industries, and that the trade and industrial policies of other countries will drive US producers out of these key sectors and thus lower US living standards.

According to Tyson, there are three principal kinds of departures from the scenario of efficiently functioning markets that make some industries ''more equal than others'' and that warrant interventionist policies. One, because of the nature of their products and production processes, some markets are necessarily imperfectly competitive and can generate, for a limited number of firms in the world market, surplus profits (rents) -- profits higher than the necessary to induce investment in the sector. If a country can somehow secure a place for its firms in such markets, it can earn rents -- its capital investments would make more than could be earned in other uses. Two, some industries pay workers surplus (premium) wages, more than their experience and skills could earn elsewhere in the economy. Expansion of those industries will increase real wages and living standards. Three, the production of certain goods creates ripple benefits for the rest of the economy, that is, the benefits to the economy from the production of the goods in question are greater than the revenues earned by the producers.

In recent years the analysis of trade has moved to take into account the widespread reality of imperfect competition. The new trade theories suggest that in imperfectly competitive situations a country may be able to use government intervention to enrich itself at the expense of other nations.

However, the circumstances under which these monopoly-promoting policies might pay off are difficult to detect in practice. They depend on the behavioral features in the market, the degree to which other countries retaliate and the supply response of other firms to the government intervention. Moreover, the government must know the full consequences in the industries from which the resources are drawn. Redirecting scarce resources into a particular sector could produce losses elsewhere in the economy that outweigh the gains in the sector being promoted.

Since the ability of economists to estimate demand and costs' curves with precision is very low, to predict the response of other firms to the market changes induced by government intervention is lower still and to calculate the general equilibrium effects from the drawdown of resources elsewhere in the economy is virtually nil, there is slim chance that the government could know in advance whether any particular policy of subsidy or protection will add to or substract from national income.

Some have advocated using trade policies to enhance employment in sectors with premium wages. If what appear to be rents are in fact payments for skills, abilities or other characteristics of jobs, a governmental policy that subsidized the expansion of these industries could have damaging consequences, for instance, a regresive distributional impact.

The view that some industries provide productivity-enhancing spillover effects to the rest of the US economy lies at the heart of the arguments of many proponents of policies for managed trade. One unresolved problem is how are these industries going to be identified and favored.

Although published ten years ago, this book addresses issues that are still current. Trade policy is a topic that is likely to surface in every presidential and congressional election for years to come. In addition, there are sufficient theoretical concepts thrown around in this tome to make it a good read.

I purchased this book for my high school's library and it has proven to be very popular. We also have many of Rosen's other titles and they all have been an important assett to us.

I was first exposed to this book six years ago when I was a freshman in high school. As the primary text for my History of Guam class, this book served as a significant resource. The book is full of color (in the words) and life. It is not a dry review of a people, but tells their story. Rather than just stating facts, Larry told about the culture and the people as a whole. This book truly brings back to life an ancient people.

I don't actually own this book, but I took it out from the library and enjoyed reading it. The author, who lived in Angola for several years, did a good job of explaining the history of Angola and its people from the first contact with the Portuguese up until the independence. The book explains many of the conflicts Angola has suffered and continues to suffer as a result of colonialism, ethnolinguistic clashes, and the conflict of African and european nationalisms. A good resource for information on how the April 25 Movement in Portugal related to the independence of Angola.

An excellent real life love story set in the backdrop of russian revolution. Beautiful and touching- a must read!

AS a educator and a swim instructor. I found this book very complete. It has scientific information as to how young children learn, it also includes ways to implement preschool aquatic programs at your facility. For the light reader it is also good. The index has around 70 games you can use with your preschoolers to help them adjust amd learn basic water skills.

Jack Luzkow's Armageddon International University engaging novel tells the story of Phineas Finkel, an impersonator of Napoleon and inheritor of the legendary figure's legacy of courage, resolution, and ultimate failure. Always battling on the fringe of college life, organizing a union of staff members to defend unwanted rights an leading a revolution he can't understand, Phineas is at the center of a ludicrous [needs help] vortex that sucks in the reader's avid interest as well. A witty, humorous, and most entertaining story, Armageddon International University is an original, highly recommended novel.